This essay examines issues that challenge traditional distinctions between mass and interpersonal communication by focusing on commonalities between the two areas of study. Following the suggestion of Pingree, Wiemann, and Hawkins (1988), we have organized our literature review around a single concept of shared interest and research by both mass and interpersonal communication: relationship development. We discuss similarities and differences associated with mediated mass and mediated interpersonal relationships, and examine what we can learn by juxtaposing the two sets of research findings.

This essay will examine issues that challenge traditional distinctions between mass and interpersonal communication. In the tradition of earlier efforts to develop conceptual and theoretical synthesis between mass and interpersonal communication theory (see Pingree, Wiemann, & Hawkins, 1988), this paper tackles an emerging issue as the Age of Television encounters the Age of the Internet: mediated relationships. Accumulating research by scholars in both areas suggests that the way in which people are able to develop relationships via mediated channels – both mass and interpersonal – is a phenomenon that can be used to synthesize the two areas and inform theory development in ways that the two areas individually cannot.

Specifically, we will examine the ways in which interpersonal theory informs research on mediated relationships with fictional characters and celebrities, the role of media technologies in the development and maintenance of interpersonal relationships, and the similarities and differences associated with mass media and interpersonal relationships. We will also attempt to clarify specific areas in which the synthesis of mass mediated and interpersonal communication theory could occur in future research.

This effort challenges many of the basic assumptions that support the long-held distinctions between traditional levels of communication that have been used to organize the discipline. These distinctions have been criticized as an unfortunate historical legacy that are artificial, unnecessary, and detrimental to the advancement of communication research as a whole (Reardon & Rogers, 1988; Wiemann, Hawkins, & Pingree, 1988). While the philosophical discussion continues, innovations in communication technologies have begun to make the practical distinctions between these levels moot. New ways of communicating are emerging that do not fit the traditional definitions of either mass or interpersonal communication (Ball-Rokeach & Reardon, 1988). As a result, the old distinctions between the two areas of study are becoming outdated and increasingly blurred in the fast-changing world of new communication technologies (Lea & Spears, 1995). The longer term goal is to work toward a theory of communication channels that transcends specific technologies and levels of analysis and explains the motivations, execution, and outcomes of mediated communication as a distinctive subset of human communication.

New technologies and blurring of mass-interpersonal

While communication scholars consider the implications of melding conceptual elements of mass and interpersonal communication theory (Berger & Chaffee, 1987; Hawkins, Wiemann, & Pingree, 1988) innovations in communication technologies are increasingly blurring the practical differences and making the conceptual distinctions moot. Traditionally, mass communication has been considered one-way message delivery to a large, undifferentiated audiences, and interpersonal communication has been considered two-way message exchange between a very small number of participants (usually two) who have knowledge of each other. However, in light of developments in communication technologies, using criteria such as "one-way" versus "two-way" and "large undifferentiated audiences" versus "small number of familiar interactants" to distinguish mass communication and interpersonal communication may be less accurate.

There are an increasing number of examples in which mass communication systems support message delivery to specialized audiences and even individuals, all of whom have the ability to interact with the sender. Interactive movies (e.g., May, 1996) have been produced and presented, as well as web-based feedback modes for viewers about the films they view (Berlind, 1995). Interactive cable (Markoff, 1997) has been in trial operations for years and more developments are proposed. Meanwhile, customizable online newspapers and magazines proliferate on the World Wide Web, and newsgroups have long been a means for individuals to reach huge readerships while interacting with individuals (Morris & Ogan, 1996). A recent phenomenon is the online forum, in which a celebrity or newsmaker answers email questions from anyone online for a set time period that can last for the length of the program, a couple of hours, or over several days. Some of the web-based outlets for traditional mass media such as broadcasting stations and newspapers offer forums for viewers/readers to share ideas about an issue (such as PBS’s Online Newshour and the New York Times On The Web), as well as the capability for an individual to send email to a newsworthy person.

Digital television (DTV), just now available to consumers in the form of high-definition television (HDTV), is the next step toward full integration of broadcasting with computers (Brinkley, 1996). Although early forms of DTV now on the market offer only higher resolution images and higher quality sound, many are predicting that the true benefits of digital television will be when it provides full interactivity (Rafaeli, 1988) as an interpersonal channel along with a high degree of consumer control over the timing, format, and content of specialized broadcasting (Negroponte, 1995). Some speculate that full convergence of the television and computers will mean that "watching television" will be more and more like "surfing the web," and that "changing channels" will be more like moving from web site to web site (Dertouzos, 1997; Fidler, 1996). Interactivity means that what used to be the television will also be used for interpersonal communication such as videophone and videomail as well as voicemail and email.

While traditional mass mediated channels are increasingly capable of interactivity, interactive interpersonal channels have the capability for one-way message delivery to large, undifferentiated audiences unknown to the sender (perhaps aside from some demographic data). Perhaps the clearest examples are computer-generated telephone calls and mass distribution of email messages (usually advertisements or solicitations) known as "spamming." "Webcasting" or "push" technology on the Internet, which delivers content via email or other forms to individual subscribers, remains a promising option for those in the information industry (Richtel, 1998).

In addition, depending on the actions of a message recipient, interpersonal mediated channels can also be considered one-way message distributions. For example, letters, answering machine messages, and email messages that are never answered are one-way communication – despite the capability of a response. In these examples the possibility of a response exists, yet certainly there are times when no response is provided. In addition, already news organizations such as CNN are using "streaming" video and audio software technologies are providing individual users of the World Wide Web with live video and audio and video clips on demand.

Many of the issues arising in the area of mass and interpersonal mediated communication emerge from the growing presence of the Internet in North American culture.
Communication scholars are uniquely positioned to provide insightful, useful, and influential information and theory regarding the implications of communication technologies for communication processes as well as for larger social issues. However, given the nature of the technologies themselves and the creative and often surprising ways in which people have used them for a wide range of social purposes, holding to the narrow perspectives of the traditional levels of analysis can only result in incomplete and flawed explanations and predictions. The analysis presented here uses the lens of personal relationships to seek further synthesis as another step toward the goal of integrated communication theories.

In discussing potential linkages between mass and interpersonal communication, Pingree et al. (1988) argued that "an integration around a single concept common to both subdisciplines can reveal assumptions about how each field defines, operationalizes, and studies that concept... . Gaps in concept definitions and hidden assumptions driven by the foci of each area can be bridged and uncovered by this kind of integration" (p. 13). Following this suggestion, the present paper focuses on relationship issues across both mass and interpersonal mediated channels as a means to bridge the two areas and integrate theory.

According to Hinde (1979), "a relationship implies first some sort of intermittent interaction between two people, involving interchanges over an extended period of time. The interchanges have some degree of mutuality, in the sense that the behaviour of each takes some account of the behaviour of the other" (p. 14). As this definition and others imply, interpersonal communication is typically defined as involving interaction, in which each participant communicates with and influences the other. In broad terms, relationships reflect a mental integration and reconstruction of information obtained through interaction (Cappella, 1987).

Can a 'relationship' occur in situations in other than those involving dyadic interpersonal communication? In their seminal paper, Horton and Wohl (1956) used the term "parasocial interaction" to describe the development of a "seeming face-to-face relationship" with a media personality. Many researchers have used the term "relationship" to describe the affective bond that develops between an audience member and a media character or personality (e.g., Alperstein, 1991; Auter & Moore, 1993; Koenig & Lessan, 1985; Perse & Rubin, 1989; Rubin & McHugh, 1987). Clearly, parasocial relationships are generally one-sided, with little potential for interaction between viewers and real media personalities (e.g., newscasters, talk show hosts, celebrities), and no such potential with regard to fictional characters. The use of the term "interaction" in this context implies that some form of pseudo-interaction occurs within the mind of the audience member. While viewing a media presentation, viewers often feel as though they are involved in the events, and they respond in some ways as if they were witnessing or participating in real interactions with people they know. The resulting bond is perceived by audience members as a relationship – one that can strongly affect their emotions and behaviors. A recent and vivid example of the power of these bonds was the visible displays of grief and loss expressed in the wake of Princess Diana’s recent death by millions of people who had never met the princess face-to-face but whose only contact was through the mass media.

In the interpersonal area, research on mediated interpersonal communication has illuminated the ways in which mediated channels are being used, apparently quite effectively, for initiating and maintaining personal relationships. Sometimes the relationship begins face-to-face and becomes mediated (e.g., long-distance relationships) (Rohlfing, 1996). Sometimes individuals initiate and develop relationships via mediated channels before meeting face-to-face (Parks & Floyd, 1996). Sometimes individuals develop relationships via mediated channels but never meet face-to-face (Parks & Floyd, 1996), which is the closest parallel to the situation explored in research on parasocial relationships. The popular literature has documented instances in which Internet users have developed affective ties to others online (Ansberry, 1993; Chidley & Wood, 1994; Elmer-Dewitt, 1993; Gregory, 1993).

Although there are certainly distinctions between the mass and interpersonal processes noted above, the parallels are substantial and instructive. What they have in common is that 1) the communication is mediated by some form of technology, 2) mediated channel use makes available a different set of information than is available face-to-face, 3) despite the lack of face-to-face contact, individuals apparently are able to develop perceptions of, and form affective ties to, individuals on the other end of the mediated channel that are perceived as important, provide rewards, and influence behavior. The next two sections will develop these linkages and review in detail research findings in the mass communication area conducted from an interpersonal perspective, and research findings in the interpersonal communication area conducted from a mass communication perspective.

Relationships via mass mediated communication channels

The rapid development of mass media forms during this century has challenged the assumption that relationships occur only between 'real' people who know one another personally. Today there are more media personalities than real people in most people's social world (Alperstein, 1991). Over the past several decades, much research in mass communication has examined how audiences respond to and are influenced by media messages (e.g., Bryant & Anderson, 1983; Bryant & Zillmann, 1994). For the most part, investigations in this domain have overlooked the importance of the affective relationships that viewers develop with media characters. However, there is a large literature dealing with perceptions of media characters, which clearly fits within the domain of impression formation and attraction in interpersonal contexts. In addition, a small line of research has developed during the past two decades that focuses specifically on mass mediated relationships (see Hoffner & Cantor, 1991). Researchers in this area have been building on the work of Horton and Wohl (1956), who coined the term "parasocial interaction" to describe the relationships that develop between audience members and media "personae." Research on parasocial relationships has focused on the ways in which individuals develop affective ties and a degree of interdependence with others via mass mediated channels.

Initial character perceptions

In the initial stages of a relationship, individuals engage in the process of impression formation. In forming impressions of others, people utilize a wide range of observable information, including physical appearance, behaviors, and emotional reactions. While these sources of information are available in face-to-face interactions in conventional relationships, they are also available in mass media presentations. Research suggests that the ways in which character attributes such as appearance and behavior influence viewers' impressions of media characters are similar to the ways in which such traits affect interpersonal perception (Hoffner & Cantor, 1991).

As a function of forming impressions of characters, viewers can be said to be attracted to the characters to varying degrees. Despite the common observation that people can and do develop strong feelings for characters in films and television shows, little research has directly examined viewers' liking for media characters. The few studies that have explored this area confirm that characters whose personal attributes and behaviors are perceived favorably are generally liked more (e.g., Wilson, Cantor, Gordon, & Zillmann, 1986; Zillmann & Bryant, 1975; Zillmann & Cantor, 1977).

Research on interpersonal attraction has long shown that, in addition to liking those who possess positive attributes, people tend to like others who are similar to themselves in important ways. This appears to be true for mass mediated characters as well. Perception of similarity to a media character may be facilitated by shared characteristics such as sex, ethnicity, social class, and age (v. Feilitzen & Linne, 1975; Maccoby & Wilson, 1957; Reeves & Miller, 1978; Sprafkin & Liebert, 1978). Perceived similarity may also be influenced by other aspects of a viewer's impression of a character, such as the character's personality attributes, behavioral tendencies, experiences, or life situation (v. Feilitzen & Linne, 1975; Fernie, 1981).

Parasocial relationships

As Horton and Wohl (1956) noted in their article on parasocial interaction, the importance of media personalities and characters to viewers frequently extends beyond the viewing situation. After watching a series regularly for a period of time, or several sequels to a film, viewers become familiar with the personalities, preferences, and habits of characters, and may come to feel that they know the characters as well as friends or neighbors (Dorr, 1982; Gitlin, 1983; Mayerle, 1987; Noble, 1975; Perse & Rubin, 1989). Programs depict characters' interactions with others, their solitary activities, and even their innermost thoughts and feelings. This type of information permits viewers to know more about media characters than they may know about the people with whom they have close interpersonal relationships. Viewers are likely to feel more attracted to characters whom they know and understand well, and are likely to feel that they have developed a close bond with such characters.

There is much evidence, both anecdotal and empirical, that children and adults do form strong affective attachments to mass media characters and personalities (e.g., Carlson, 1990; Howitt & Cumberbatch, 1976; McQuail et al., 1972; Sturm, 1975; Waters & Huck, 1983). Noble (1975) reported that children who felt as though they knew film characters were more likely than other children to worry about the characters and to feel as though the characters had communicated with them during the show. Just as people are concerned about events in the lives of their friends, viewers claim to worry about characters whom they watch regularly (McQuail, Blumler, & Brown, 1972). Some viewers even appear to have difficulty remembering or distinguishing the fictional nature of media characters. For example, producers and cast members of soap operas report that viewers have sent gifts when a character has had a baby, and have physically assaulted actors who play villains on serials (Winsey, 1979).

Of course, these types of reactions are not typical of the way most people respond. Yet long-term involvement with media characters could be said to involve some type of extended "suspension of disbelief" in which viewers disregard or overlook characters' fictional status. Sturm (1975) argued that viewers become so emotionally tied to characters in television series that the disappearance of these characters -- either through the plot of the program, or because the series ends -- may be emotionally upsetting to viewers. Public reaction to the deaths of fictional characters suggests that this is so. The unexpected death of Col. Henry Blake on M*A*S*H greatly disturbed viewers, and motivated many to write letters of protest to CBS. According to one of the producers of the series, "by killing a cherished character, you can approximate the feeling of losing someone you love" (Waters & Huck, 1983, p. 49). The notion that audience members develop emotional ties with media characters is also illustrated by intense public reaction to the termination of long-running series (e.g., McGuire, 1974; Waters & Huck, 1983).

The recent death of Diana, Princess of Wales, revealed that many people around the world had felt a deep emotional attachment to her, despite having never met her or even seen her in person. In discussing the reaction to her death, Morris (1997) noted that "since the days of Thomas Hardy, at least, people have been moved to passionate sorrow by the death of public personalities they have never met, and who sometimes never existed" (p. 50). Many people were moved to tears by Princess Diana's death, and told television journalists that they felt as though they had lost a close personal friend -- even though their knowledge of her was obtained exclusively through the mass media. Amid the extensive television coverage of the death and funeral, one mourner explained to a television commentator why the death of Princess Diana had moved her emotionally even though they had never actually met: she felt as though the princess knew her. This episode may be a particularly vivid example of the depth of feelings and attachment that can be generated in parasocial relationships, and the ways in which people are able to form perceptions, bonds, and even a sense of mutuality via mass mediated contacts.

Despite much evidence of the bonds that people form with mediated characters, little research has examined the specific aspects of media portrayals that contribute to these responses. In a recent study with children, Hoffner (1996) examined the extent to which perceived character traits contributed to the development of parasocial relationships with favorite characters. For male characters, stronger parasocial relationships were associated with greater perceived intelligence, attractiveness, and strength. In marked contract, for female characters (chosen by girls only), attractiveness was the only factor that contributed to parasocial relations. This pattern of results suggests that the message girls are receiving from television is that for people like themselves (females), appearance is of primary importance. One explanation for these results may lie in the nature of TV portrayals, with different traits emphasized or rewarded for males and females (Signorielli, 1993). However, this study did not examine the specific portrayals that contributed to children's impressions.

Some research on parasocial relationships has used the framework of uses and gratifications to examine the functions that such mediated relationships have for audience members (e.g., Levy, 1979; Perse, 1990; Rubin & Perse, 1987; Rubin, Perse, & Powell, 1985). Regular viewers of television serials report that they become involved in the problems and concerns of the characters, and cite their involvement as one of the gratifications of viewing (Carveth & Alexander, 1985; Greenberg, Neuendorf, Buerkel-Rothfuss, & Henderson, 1982; McQuail et al., 1972; Rubin & Perse, 1987). Mass communication researchers have also examined the extent to which mediated relationships can fulfill needs (such as companionship) that are usually satisfied by interpersonal interaction (e.g., Armstrong & Rubin, 1989; Rubin et al., 1985). Graham, Barbato, and Perse (1993) noted that people use mass media for some of the same reasons they communicate with people; however, their study of communication motives focused exclusively on interpersonal relationships. In a unique study by Koenig and Lessan (1985), respondents rated the perceived distance between the concepts self, best friend, acquaintance, and favorite television personality. Interestingly, the television personality fell between best friend and acquaintance on ratings of perceived similarity to the self.

Although the use of terms such as "interaction" and "relationship" in this research area clearly suggests links with interpersonal communication processes, much of the research on parasocial relationships progressed without taking advantage of this body of theory and research. Important recent exceptions to this include Perse and Rubin (1989), who examined attribution in social and parasocial relationships, and Rubin and McHugh (1987), who investigated parasocial relationship development from the perspective of uncertainty reduction theory (see Berger, 1988). Rubin and her colleagues have likened the development of parasocial relationships to the process by which people form interpersonal relationships. They note that communication to reduce uncertainty has been shown to play an important role in the process of relationship development. They contend that in a mediated context, uncertainty is reduced through passive strategies, such as observing media characters in a variety of situations, and (probably to a lesser degree) through active strategies, such as talking with others about characters. As viewers become familiar with characters' personal characteristics, their attraction to the characters should increase. Attraction to characters may motivate further efforts to "get to know" them, resulting in an increased sense of closeness or intimacy (i.e., parasocial relationships). In support of this model, Rubin and McHugh (1987) found evidence that adults' attraction to characters was a significant predictor of parasocial relationships.

Strategic creation of media images

To this point in our discussion of mass mediated relationships, the focus has been on the nature and function of the relationship from the perspective of the audience member. In research on interpersonal relationships, however, a great deal of the focus has been on impression management, or the process by which an individual regulates the self-relevant information available to others. Within the mass media context, this function is fulfilled in part by the creators of media messages, such as writers, directors, and actors. In addition, in the case of real people (e.g., talk show hosts, politicians, celebrities), the individuals and their associates may make strategic efforts to regulate their media images.

How are the characteristics of media portrayals and images shaped in ways that influence to the development of mass mediated relationships? This topic does not appear to have been widely researched, but some evidence can be gleaned from the literature.

An analysis by Turow (1980) of character descriptions used in casting television dramas revealed that program creators apparently have distinct views on the personality traits typically associated with certain character types (e.g., criminal, law-enforcement agent, blue collar worker). There is also evidence that actors are often cast for roles because their appearance is consistent with common "cliches" or stereotypes associated the roles (Turow, 1978). In other words, characters' physical appearance, and other observable characteristics are often used as a "short hand" approach to character development. Apparently media producers assume that viewers will attribute a variety of personality attributes to characters who appear to be exemplars of certain person prototypes.

Formal aspects of television and film productions undoubtedly are also used to shape viewers' responses. Close-ups of a character's nervous gestures, for example, may help ensure that viewers "pick up" subtle cues that are essential to understanding the character. Meyrowitz (1982) argued that factors such as camera angle and shot composition can influence the sense of closeness between character and viewer, in much the same way as spatial distance in interpersonal relations. He discusses how "para-proxemics" are used to influence viewers' perceptions of and affective responses to media characters. More importantly, he analyzes the information provided about media characters or personalities from the perspective of impression management. In other words, he contends that both interpersonal interactions and televised sequences "are dramatic in nature, highly structured, rehearsed, and planned...and involve highlighting socially significant cues" (p. 237). Certainly film and television directors use these techniques to shape audience reaction to characters in their productions.

There is also ample evidence that public figures such as politicians strategically regulate media images through advertisements and media events in an effort to shape public perceptions. Moreover, the choices made by reporters and editors can determine the nature of a politician's public persona (Husson, Shephen, Harrison, & Fehr, 1988). Following the death of Princess Diana, there were news stories about the way she used the media to help construct the public image she desired, through appearances at places and with people designed to attract media coverage for her causes. One writer claimed that "Diana's public image...was so carefully packaged and presented it can be safely stated that we have no idea who she actually was, only of the person she seemed to be" (Madigan, 1997, p. 5).

In sum, this body of research suggests that people form impressions of media personalities and characters in much the same way as they form impressions interpersonally. Moreover, people often develop strong feelings of closeness and attachment to individuals they have "met" only via mass mediated channels. Although the relevance of the interpersonal communication literature seems apparent, much of the research on parasocial relationships progressed without considering that body of work. More recently, however, several researchers have explicitly utilized interpersonal theories, such as uncertainty reduction, to help elucidate the process of parasocial relationship development. As the research has shown, acknowledging the linkages between mass and interpersonal communication in this area can produce new insights and make significant contributions to the communication literature.

This body of research also suggests that individuals can form relational ties to others who are known to them only through a mass medium. Despite the lack of face-to-face interaction, or indeed any interaction at all, the relationships resulting from mass mediated communication can play powerful and important roles in people’s lives. As the discussion about how individuals are presented via the mass media suggests, there are aspects of the mediation experience that may actually facilitate relationship development. This is the same conclusion reached in research into relationships via interpersonal mediated channels, which is reviewed in the next section.

Relationships via interpersonal mediated communication channels

Interpersonal communication scholars, with some notable exceptions, have done little to further the connections between mass and interpersonal communication. Interpersonal scholars usually assume interpersonal communication is face-to-face – or that mediated channels are neutral carriers of messages with no appreciable effect on the communication process (Lea & Spears, 1995). Interpersonal communication is also assumed to be interactive, meaning that a two-way exchange of messages occurs rather than a one-way delivery of a message. Rather than involving a large, undifferentiated "audience," interpersonal exchanges are presumed to occur between a small number of participants (most often two) who hold personal knowledge of the other(s). The assumptions that physical proximity, face-to-face interaction, and nonverbal communication are essential to the processes of relating – combined with the conclusion that mediated forms of interaction lacked those elements – may have contributed to the conclusion among many scholars that close relationships were difficult or impossible when based on interaction via mediated channels (Lea & Spears, 1995). These assumptions about interpersonal communication and relationships may have contributed to the slowness of interpersonal scholars to recognize that mediated communication can be a form of interpersonal communication.

Research on interpersonal communication technologies has focused primarily on organizational uses and only recently has begun to address social and relational uses. Early on, researchers tended to discount the capacity of mediated channels to support the types of interactions important or essential to social interaction. These research programs focused on channel characteristics and viewed the constricted nature of mediated channels (compared to face-to-face) (e.g., Sproull & Kiesler, 1986) or low social presence (e.g., Short, Williams, & Christie, 1976) as an obstacle to social and personal interactions. The loss of social context cues in "leaner" mediated channels was expected to interfere with the ability to convey emotion and other cues normally considered essential for effectiveness in complex interactions (Daft & Lengel, 1984; Trevino, Lengel & Daft, 1987). Without physical proximity, face-to-face interaction, nonverbal communication, and verbal talk, no real relationship could exist (Lea & Spears, 1995). Those who allowed that relationships could be formed via mediated channels argued that they would be shallow, mostly hostile, and impersonal (e.g., Beniger, 1987; Stoll, 1995). They are often referred to as "virtual relationships," implying that despite appearances they were not real.

Anecdotal reports of relationships via mediated channels

Despite early assumptions about the unsuitability of "lean" channels for social interactions, the popular literature has documented a growing number of instances in which individuals have formed close relationships via mediated channels. Tennis star Andre Agassi and actress Brooke Shields, who are now married, courted each other extensively via fax before they ever went on a date ('Match point,' 1997). Other reports have documented instances in which strangers develop friendships and romances on the Internet (Ansberry, 1993; Chidley & Wood, 1994; Elmer-Dewitt, 1993; Gregory, 1993). Computer chat sometimes goes beyond banter and teasing and moves into more intimate fare where anonymous characters engage in what is known as "cyber sex" via email (Elmer-Dewitt, 1993). In one oft-cited case, an individual developed a relationship over the Internet with someone he believed to be a young, charming, and attractive female only to discover instead that 'she' was an elderly male who had adopted an Internet identity (Toufexis, 1996).

Although the online interactions are often carried on anonymously (participants can 'appear' as any character they present themselves to be), these contacts sometimes lead to interactions via other channels such as telephone calls, and even face-to-face visits (Ansberry, 1993; Parks & Floyd, 1996). Some interactions have led to full-fledged intimate relationships (Gregory, 1993) and marriage (Chidley & Wood, 1994). In one case, a husband sued for divorce claiming his wife engaged in 'cyberadultery' with an online partner whom she had never met face-to-face (Toufexis, 1996).

Research on relationships via mediated channels

Only recently have scholars begun to examine the growing phenomenon of people forming relationships via only mediated – or mostly mediated – channels. The anecdotal evidence suggests that (1) theoretical expectations that 'lean' channels would be inappropriate or ineffective for rich relational interactions vastly underestimated people's ingenuity and adaptability in harnessing available resources in their quest to affiliate with others, (2) the increasing array of new channels of communication are providing significant numbers of the population with a wider array of interactional tools that can, and are, being used in the service of their relational goals, and (3) the need is great for interpersonal and relational scholars to focus on technologically mediated interpersonal communication as an important and socially relevant topic of research. Preliminary research evidence supports these propositions.

Although much work yet needs to be done, early findings suggest that individuals are indeed capable of initiating, developing, and maintaining close relationships with little – or even no – face-to-face contact. Despite the pessimistic view of mediated channel use in social relationships, a number of studies found that "lean" mediated channels that filter out many social cues were in fact being used quite effectively for personalized interactions (Rice & Love, 1987; Sproull & Kiesler, 1985).

Parks and Floyd's (1996) study of Internet friendships documented the extent and nature of online relationships. Among their findings was the prevalence of online relationships: 60% reported that they had formed personal relationships with individuals whom they had met online, both with the same sex and with the opposite sex, but few (7%) were reported as romantic in nature. Communication with these relational partners was regular as well. Almost one third said they interacted three or four times a week and more than half said they exchanged messages at least once a week. While males tend to dominate the online world, women are finding the Internet an effective means to form relationships. Almost three-fourths of the women (72%) in this study had formed online friendships, significantly higher than the percentage of males who had formed relationships (54%).

Instead of finding shallow, hostile, or impersonal relationships, Parks and Floyd (1996) found many participants reporting that their online friendships exhibited some or many of the same characteristics that mark conventional close relationships. About half (50.5%) reported a relatively high sense of interdependence with their online relational partners, while more than half scored above the scale midpoint regarding breadth (57%) and depth (60%) of the interactions. More than half (59%) reported that predictability and understanding in their relationship was on the high end of the scales, while moderate levels of commitment were found.

The authors concluded that the findings contradict the 'reduced cues' perspective on communication technology effects, which argues that the lack of visual and non-verbal social cues in mediated interactions would prevent formation of positive, close relationships (Parks & Floyd, 1996). Despite the inability in newsgroups to see another's facial expressions or hear tone of voice, participants were effective in forming and maintaining relationships that they described as close and rewarding.

Walther's ongoing research program (1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996; Walther & Burgoon, 1992) has generated support for the proposition that, given enough time, mediated relationships can be indistinguishable from face-to-face relationships. Walther (1993) noted that while email does not convey the nonverbal messages that carry significant amounts of relational information, CMC users can develop text-based relational cues to compensate. He argued that relational development would likely take longer via CMC but eventually would be comparable to those formed face-to-face. People can adapt to 'lean' channels for rich, socio-emotional interactions, which contradicts the earlier assumption that relational uses of lean channels were inappropriate and problematic.

Long distance interpersonal relationships.

Although interpersonal scholars have generally not addressed issues regarding use of mediated channels, a handful of interpersonal scholars have examined long-distance relationships in which relational partners must rely on mediated channels to continue interactions while apart. Although this research is as yet fragmented and underdeveloped, it provides additional evidence that interaction without physical presence and using channels other than face-to-face can be functional for initiating and maintaining satisfying, enduring long-distance relationships.

Precise figures are not available as to how prevalent long-distance relationships are in the United States, but if one defines 'close relationships' to include friend and family relationships, common sense suggests that great numbers of people are in relationships in which they are geographically separated from loved ones. When offpsring move from their parents’ home, they must transform their conventional family relationships into distance family relationships. Given the geographic mobility of people in North American culture, it is a reasonable assumption that significant numbers of individuals are separated from friendships established in childhood, college, and previous workplaces.

A few studies of long-distance relationships suggest that long-distance friendships and premarital romantic relationships are prevalent — particularly among young adults. Although the studies used convenience samples rather than probability sampling methods, percentages of college-age subjects involved in long-distance romantic relationships ranged from about 30% (Stafford, Daly, & Reske, 1987) to 70% (Guldner & Swensen, 1995). Rohlfing (1990) found that close to 90% of respondents in a non-random sample indicated that they had at least one close long-distance friendship.

One of the more intriguing findings that has emerged across several studies is that, although fraught with problems and challenges, long-distance relationships are considered by many participants to be satisfying. For example, Stafford and Reske (1990) found that long-distance couples reported higher satisfaction in their relationships than did geographically close couples. Those in long-distance relationships also reported higher satisfaction with their communication, although they interacted less than geographically close relational partners. Stafford and Yost's (1990) study of naval couples found that problems in the relationship were more closely linked to dissatisfaction when couples were together than when they were separated. In addition, while the lack of communication was negatively correlated with satisfaction when couples were together, there was no correlation when the couples were separated. Similarly, Holt and Stone (1988) found that 67% of their non-random sample of people in long-distance relationships reported themselves relatively satisfied.

Stephen (1986) studied 123 college-age couples, one-third of whom were geographically separated, and found that the separated couples had a significantly higher survival rate over a two-year period than the non-separated couples. O’Sullivan, Gurien, and Wiemann’s (1998) study of 250 young adults in long-distance relationships (family, friend, and romantic) found evidence that people were as satisfied in long-distance relationships as they were in a conventional geographically close relationships. Levels of satisfaction reported for the romantic relationship before separation were statistically indistinguishable from satisfaction levels reported for the current state of the long-distance relationship, whereas those in family relationships reported satisfaction levels significantly higher when they were long distance than before separation.

Although these findings are as yet not extensive, the effect appears to be somewhat robust across the various studies. The implications are of interest because the results directly contradict expectations that physical presence and face-to-face communication are indispensable for successful relationships — and that the lack of frequent physical presence and the use of mediated communication would undermine relationships.

These findings about long-distance relationships, when linked to findings about mediated relationships, raise the question: What is the process by which individuals are able to develop and maintain relationships via mediated channels? Researchers have proposed a variety of explanations. Stafford and Reske (1990) attributed their findings to idealization by long-distance relational partners, a result of what they called 'blocked' communication — less frequent interaction, constrained communication through mediated channels — because of the separation. Romantic partners were viewed as holding "faulty romantic notions about their partner that are created and maintained through restricted communication" (p. 278). Stephen’s (1986) explanation for the greater endurance of separated couples was that people in long-distance relationships were highly committed to the relationship and thus motivated to compensate for limited interactional access.

An alternative explanation is that communication via mediated channels could be used effectively to facilitate interactions in support of relationship goals (O’Sullivan, 1997a). The argument is that the implications of mediated communication in relationships are best understood by examining individuals’ self-presentational goals and the ways in which they select from a repertoire of available communication channels as a means of managing their self-presentation (e.g., Goffman 1959; Schlenker, 1980, 1984, 1985). Mediated channels, rather than constraining relational interactions, can be utilized strategically by interactional partners to avoid costs and maximize rewards of interactions involving issues relevant to one's self-presentation. What is 'missing' in mediated channels versus face-to-face is seen not as a problem but as an opportunity to regulate information exchanged between partners as an impression management strategy.

For example, relational partners could choose "leaner" channels (e.g., electronic mail) to make less obvious, or obscure completely, unattractive aspects about themselves, and could reduce the intensity of interactions that threaten the partner’s face. Deceptive manipulation of one's self-presentation could be accomplished more easily with less chance of detection. On the other hand, partners could also use 'richer' channels (e.g., face-to-face) to make more obvious those aspects that would enhance others' positive assessments or to experience the full effect of the partner's positive reactions such as smiles and hugs. This impression management technique may increase idealization as people 'fill in the blanks' of what they do not know about the other with how they would like it to be (Sillars et al., 1984).

Initial tests have generated support for the Impression Management Model (O’Sullivan, 1997a, 1997b). The results support the theoretical link between strategic use of mediated channels and the role of ambiguity and clarity for relational satisfaction (Bochner, 1982; Brown & Rogers, 1991; Parks, 1982; Sillars et al., 1984). The findings offer an explanation for the process by which computer-mediated communication can provide what Walther (1996) called 'hyperpersonal' interactions. It also offers an explanation for reports of high satisfaction and enduring nature of many long-distance relationships (O’Sullivan et al., 1998; Stafford & Reske, 1990; Stephen, 1986).

In sum, the research on relationships that are based on, or dependent on, mediated communication suggests that individuals have a powerful capacity to develop and maintain enduring and satisfying relationships with others with whom they have little or no face-to-face contact. Although the contact does not involve elements that have long been thought essential to "real" relationships, such as face-to-face interaction, for the individuals involved, the relationships are apparently real, functional, and satisfying. This suggests that scholars have tended to underestimate people’s capacity to experience what they describe as a "relationship" despite a paucity of interaction and information about the other. This conclusion is, of course, similar to that which can be drawn from the research on mass mediated relationships.

Research on relationships via interpersonal mediated and mass mediated channels suggests that those relationships involve parallel processes. There are conceptual and theoretical implications of this perspective for both mass and interpersonal theory development as well as for the goal of generating communication theories that transcend traditional levels of analysis and channels of interaction.

For many years, mass communication research operated under an "effects" perspective: In what ways does exposure to the mass media (or, more precisely, the programming) affect people? No interaction was expected or considered between audience and program characters. Viewers were considered largely passive and malleable recipients of mass media messages. However, uses and gratifications research supports the idea that people in fact are not passive recipients but instead seek out particular media (or more specifically, particular media content) motivated by goals, desires, wants, and/or preferences. The parasocial literature suggests that viewers are in fact quite active in the process of engaging the mass mediated messages that they find. When engaging that content, there is an interaction of a sort, if only in people’s minds, as they develop perceptions of and emotional reactions to media characters (Horton & Wohl, 1956). Despite the lack of actual message exchange, the parasocial relationships that can develop have quite real and sometimes powerful consequences for some viewers, as reactions to Princess Diana’s death vividly illustrated.

Whether these experiences are labeled a "relationship" in the sense of traditional definitions of interpersonal relationships can be a point of future discussion. The approach taken in this essay suggests that the way we conceptualize "relationships" could be broadened to encompass a wider range of feelings of personal connectedness to others that people experience in their lives. Subsets of that larger category could be identified to distinguish between traditional face-to-face interpersonal relationships, interpersonal mediated relationships, and mass mediated relationships. Commonalties across these subsets could be clarified and key differences could be identified as a step toward understanding more comprehensively the range of experiences that are powerful forces in human social affairs.

Much of the early research on interpersonal technology reflected a similar "effects" approach. Studies reflected a deterministic perspective in seeking to identify what these technologies did to communication. More recent theoretical proposals have also conceptualized individuals as active selectors of various interpersonal channels as a means of pursuing their communicative and relational goals (O’Sullivan, 1997a, 1997b). Initial studies support the idea that mediated communication channels, which introduce constraints into messages and alter the dynamics of interactions, not only do not necessarily interfere with relationship formation but can be used to facilitate positive impressions and relational satisfaction.

This relationship-based, multi-channel approach can help us understand such phenomena as parasocial relationships, fan worship, modeling behavior, adulation of athletes, political campaigns, and mass media advertising strategies. Perhaps they can also help us understand the ways in which people form and maintain relationships, both conventional face-to-face and those mediated by letters, fax, telephone, and the Internet. An approach to relationships that encompasses both mediated and non-mediated experiences could contribute greatly to a more comprehensive set of theories regarding the nature and processes of close relationship initiation, development, and maintenance.

Those who produce programming and advertising for television appear to have already understood and implemented these ideas. Program producers seek to present characters or personalities in ways that encourage audience members to develop a sense of closeness with the stars. Advertisers in recent years seem to have focused on developing messages that play on viewers’ capability and desire to form emotional ties not only to spokespersons but even to inanimate products themselves (e.g., Toyota’s "I love what you do for me" theme). Political candidate consultants appear to strive to encourage a sense of a personal relationship between voters and the candidate, despite the fact that most voters never meet them personally (and likely never will). This juxtaposition of research findings on mass mediated and interpersonal mediated relationships suggests that researchers (mass and interpersonal) could benefit from focusing more closely on the ways in which people use various communication channels for various messages and purposes, and not just on channel characteristics or message effects.

Another direction that might be pursued in future research deals with proxemics, or the role of space and distance in relationships. Meyrowitz (1982) noted that television and film media structure screen images in order to manipulate the spatial relationships between viewers and characters, and he speculated that these techniques contribute to the development of parasocial relationships. Auter (1992) recently studied viewers' responses to characters who "break the fourth wall" or talk directly to the television audience. However, beyond this research, it appears that Meyrowitz's (1982) ideas have not been examined in mass media research. The issue of distance in relationships is also one which concerns researchers who have been investigating the development and maintenance of relationships via technologies such as email and the Internet. It seems likely that the study of both mass and interpersonal relationships would benefit from further consideration of "para-proxemics" or the ways in which the illusion of proximity can be created over distances.

It may be instructive to note some differences between the mass and interpersonal contexts. First, mass media consumers may have little reasonable expectation of meeting and interacting directly with television, film, or radio personalities. This may also be the case for online relationships. Research has shown that an observer's goals or objectives in forming an impression of another person influence the selection and interpretation of information about that person (Cohen, 1981; Srull & Brand, 1983).

A second difference derives from the fact that the information typically available in interpersonal and mass media contexts is somewhat different. Interpersonally, interaction can provide feedback (e.g., through responses to self-disclosures) that shapes impressions of another's personality and behavioral tendencies. Of course, viewers usually do not have the opportunity to personally interact with mass media characters (Perse & Rubin, 1989). Yet viewers are able to observe media characters more closely and in more private situations than they can most of the people they encounter in their daily lives. For example, interpersonal perceivers are not privy to the private thoughts of others; in contrast, media consumers sometimes hear verbalizations or see visual enactments of characters' thoughts, memories, and fantasies. As another example, people do not have the opportunity to observe how other people behave when they are entirely alone; nevertheless media consumers are sometimes exposed to such potentially revealing information.

Additionally, this line of research could examine the role of what might be called "projection," as individuals fill in the blanks of what they do not know about the other. The research cited above suggests that people are apparently quite adept at fleshing out skimpy or non-existent details about others when the missing information is due to mediated communication. If individuals are able to project to such a degree that they believe that they develop relational bonds with television or radio personae they 'know' through mass mediated channels, it seems plausible that individuals also can project to fill in aspects of other people whom they 'know' through mediated interpersonal communication. Conversely, it seems apparent that if people can develop close relationships with others whom they "know" through such lean interpersonal channels such as electronic mail and online discussions, they can fill in the blanks of individuals whom they experience via mass mediated channels. The literature on interpersonal perception and impression formation could be helpful in detailing these processes.

Understanding the motivations, the processes, and the outcomes of relationships formed via mediated channels (both interpersonal and mass) could help enrichen scholarly understanding of relationships in general. We presume that many of the same processes involved in formation of relationships via mediated channels would be utilized in non-mediated situations as well. In addition, this research could help develop an understanding of the implications of communication conducted via combinations of channels (face-to-face as well as all of the various mediated forms) for relationship processes. Perhaps coming to "know" someone via mediated channels changes the dynamic and chemistry of the early stages of relationship formation, with consequences for other aspects of the relationship.

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